By Daniel Okonkwo
President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s recent declaration of a state of emergency in Rivers State, accompanied by the suspension of Governor Siminalayi Fubara, his deputy, and the entire State House of Assembly for six months, has sparked intense national contention and raised significant constitutional and legal concerns. While the Nigerian Constitution provides for the declaration of a state of emergency under specific circumstances, the suspension of duly elected officials has no clear constitutional basis. This action rekindles past instances of executive overreach and raises fundamental questions about federalism, constitutionalism, and the rule of law in Nigeria.
The imposition of emergency rule and the removal of elected officials are not without precedent in Nigeria’s political history. A similar situation occurred during President Olusegun Obasanjo’s administration. On May 18, 2004, following a violent religious conflict in Plateau State that led to the deaths of over 2000 people, Obasanjo declared a state of emergency, suspended Governor Joshua Dariye, and dissolved the state legislature. In his place, he appointed retired General Chris Ali as the sole administrator of the state.
A comparable scenario played out again on October 19, 2006, in Ekiti State, where Governor Ayo Fayose was removed from office over corruption allegations. While the state assembly initiated impeachment proceedings against Fayose, Obasanjo intervened, declaring a state of emergency and replacing the governor with an administrator. At the time, these actions were widely criticized as an overreach of executive powers, undermining democratic institutions and constitutional governance.
Ironically, during these incidents, Bola Ahmed Tinubu—then the Governor of Lagos State—publicly denounced the federal government’s actions, describing them as unconstitutional and an affront to Nigeria’s democracy. His current decision to take similar steps in Rivers State raises questions about consistency in political principles and the broader implications for Nigeria’s democratic governance.
The 1999 Nigerian Constitution is explicit in defining the powers of the federal and state governments, ensuring a system of checks and balances to prevent the over-concentration of power. Section 305 empowers the President to declare a state of emergency in specific circumstances, including war, natural disasters, or situations where governance is impossible due to a breakdown of law and order. However, this section does not grant the President the authority to suspend elected officials or dissolve state legislative bodies.
Legal scholars, including the late FRA Williams, Prof. Itse Sagay, and Prof. Ben Nwabueze, have long argued that a state of emergency is intended as a temporary measure to restore order while maintaining existing democratic structures. The phrase “subject to the provisions of this Constitution,” which introduces Section 305, emphasizes that any action taken under this clause must align with other constitutional provisions.
The grounds for the removal of a governor, deputy governor, or members of the State House of Assembly are outlined explicitly in the Constitution. These include resignation, impeachment, death, or incapacitation. Nowhere does the Constitution state that a state of emergency justifies the suspension or removal of elected officials. To allow such an action would set a dangerous precedent where the executive could override democratic processes under the guise of emergency rule.
The decision to suspend Rivers State’s elected officials under emergency rule has far-reaching consequences for Nigeria’s democracy. By overriding the electoral mandate of the people, this move undermines the principles of democratic governance and state autonomy. Nigeria operates a federal system in which state governments hold significant powers and responsibilities. The forced removal of elected leaders erodes this structure, centralizing authority in a way that contradicts the spirit of federalism.
Barrister Ifeanyi Ejiofor, a celebrated legal practitioner, has strongly condemned the suspension of Governor Fubara and the declaration of emergency rule in Rivers State. He argues that the Constitution does not provide for such unilateral actions by the President and that the move threatens democratic stability in the country.
Furthermore, if this action is allowed to stand, it could set a troubling precedent for future administrations. Any sitting President could justify removing governors and legislators based on loosely defined crises, effectively diminishing the independence of state governments.
As Nigeria grapples with this unfolding crisis, it is imperative that all stakeholders—political leaders, legal experts, civil society organizations, and the judiciary—uphold the Constitution and safeguard democratic governance. The rule of law must take precedence over political expediency. Any legitimate concerns regarding governance in Rivers State should be addressed within the constitutional framework, not through executive fiat.
The situation also accentuates the need for political leaders to remain consistent in their advocacy for democracy and constitutionalism. What was deemed illegal in the past should not become acceptable today due to political convenience.
As tensions begin to subside, the federal government must reassess its actions and ensure that democratic structures remain intact. The people of Rivers State, like all Nigerians, deserve governance that is not only effective but also firmly rooted in constitutional legitimacy. The international community and human rights organizations must also pay close attention to these developments to ensure that Nigeria’s democracy remains protected.
In the words of the timeless adage, “What is good for the goose is good for the gander.” If the removal of elected officials under emergency rule was deemed unconstitutional in the past, it remains unconstitutional today. Upholding democratic principles must always come before political calculations.
